About the Ultra-Orthodox

Inevitably, when leading a discussion about Israeli politics or society, somebody asks about haredim (so called "ultra-orthodox Jews" also, in some circles, "black-hatters").  Often it's a question based on our separation of church and state: why do the haredim get special benefits for being so religiously strict? Why does the state support religious institutions?  Here's a paragraph from today's online Haaretz editorial that explains it more clearly than I have seen in a long time:

Haredi politicians have always manipulated Israel's governments for their own ends, exploiting the fact that they hold the political balance of power in order to free their constituencies from sharing the burdens: For example, the Haredim have been liberated from studying core subjects in their schools, from compulsory military service and from the need to work - while living off the public's largesse in the form of stipends and allowances. Now even many members of the community recognize that the current situation cannot go on because the national economy will collapse under the growing burden.

And if you are interested in the religion-state divide (or lack thereof) in Israel.  Read Gideon Levy's op-ed piece from Dec. 16th. I'm not sure it's the best or most balanced article, but the analogy he draws between rabbis and dance club bouncers makes it worth the read.  Especially given the fact that Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, though not a rabbi is a former nightclub bouncer.

Top 10 Ways Congregations Shape and are Shaped By Society

The Alban Institute's founder, Loren Mead, put out this list on the Institute's weekly e-mail.  I have abridged the content but not changed the list itself. Does this list apply to Sinai? Does it matter to you personally whether it does or doesn't?  Each point has a question that flows from it. All of them are important but I'd like to hear your thoughts on any of them.

1. Strangers meet on common ground. In today's outside world, we are taught to steer clear of the stranger. But it hasn't always been this way. In our congregations, we have a laboratory for reaching out beyond ourselves and our families. Dare we think of the possibility of a public world ruled by the values of hospitality?
    
2. Fear of the stranger is faced and dealt with. We have all sorts of stereotypes and prejudices, all kinds of unexplored myths about "others." Can our congregations become intentional laboratories for exposing us to people outside our groups?
    
3. Scarce resources are shared and abundance is generated. We seem to be a social order in which the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. Who is there to speak for and act on another vision? Our biblical heritage speaks of abundance, not scarcity: The more you have, the better I will be. Can we bring this consciousness to the world we inhabit and nurture it in our congregations?
    
4. Conflict occurs and is resolved. Our tradition brings perspectives about forgiveness and reconciliation that help us reach out to one another for community—not just cessation of hostility. As we deal with our differences, we learn about reaching beyond hostility in the public world toward a different vision of society. Can we learn to use our own spiritual resources of forgiveness and reconciliation within our own communities, learning to bear witness to the same power in the world outside our congregations?
5. Life is given color, texture, drama, a festive air. Every act of worship should be a laboratory in celebration of community. [Our temple on Simchat Torah] and a town park on the Fourth of July—both speak to what community means. Does our congregation help its members pursue a vision of what the larger community is called to be?
    
6. People are drawn out of themselves. In a society with strong pressures toward privacy, the public realm needs congregations to draw people out of their hidden aloneness and train them for community. Can we our congregation be counter-cultural (against the cultural trend toward isolation) and help people to become neighborhood leaders helping citizens enter the lives of their neighbors.
7. Mutual responsibility becomes evident and mutual aid possible. Many congregations have a list of people to pray for—the sick, the shut-ins, the grieving. Taking responsibility for one another is taken for granted in our congregations but not in our public arenas. Can our ordinary community life be a beacon to our society at the same time that it prepares us to offer these gifts of service outside our congregational bounds?
    
8. Opinions become audible and accountable. In this I must admit that congregations have as much or more to gain from as to give to the public. The modest political systems within congregations need to be opened up to the candor with which public figures articulate and defend positions. Would our congregation be strengthened by more such accountability?
    
9. Vision is projected and projects are attempted. People in congregations are regularly exposed to transcendent visions of what life is supposed to be. Congregations are grounded in a sense of God’s purpose and movement through history—something that does not fade after a few decades, as does political optimism.  In a gun-flooded society, congregations know about a world in which swords are turned into plowshares. Can we bring these visions to the larger world?
    
10. People are empowered and protected against power. Congregations, in their life of worship, act out and celebrate the importance of freely given gifts shaped and conformed by structures of authority and custom. They also understand the limits of human integrity, the presence of sinfulness, and the necessity for larger frames of value. Does secular society have something to learn from our congregation's understanding of power and limits?